That Palestine is Jordan has been understood since the 1950's by those not beholden to the arab cause of destroying Israel. There never was a 'Palestine', never was a people called 'palestinians', and there are no palestinian family names. 'Palestinian' culture is arab culture, no different, ditto their food, ditto the way they treat women and gays (kill them).
Whenever arabs have held Gaza or Judea and Samaria, there was never a demand for self-autonomy or independence from those places. Only when Israel in its defensive war of 1967 re-conquer those territories did the 'palestinians' emerge.
Whenever pal arabs get the chance to have another citizenship they grab it, as they themselves don't believe in a nationality foisted upon them. That arab governments will not allow arabs from the former British Mandated areas to have other arab citizenship is a matter for the arabs to sort out amongst themselves.
The bottom line is, that Israel must prevent arabs in Judea and Samaria from grabbing any more land from Israel. If arabs in those areas wish for nationality, let them take Jordanian citizenship.
If arabs in areas of Judea and Samaria which have already given away by Israel wish to become independent, then all well and good, but then it does not mean that Israel owes them anything, not land, not access to Israel or its markets, nothing. Let them look east to Jordan, or Iraq or ............
By: Geoffrey Aronson for Al-Monitor
A recent visitor to Amman reports some senior Jordanians declaring openly that “there never was a place called Palestine. There is no such thing as Palestine, only Jordan.” Such sentiments, while still a minority view, mark a sea change in the long-standing Jordanian deference to the PLO on developments west of the Jordan River. According to one Palestinian, such views are being encouraged by some voices in Fatah, who fear Hamas' baton more than Amman's reluctant embrace, and who no doubt believe, as many veterans in Fatah do, that all it will take to turn Jordan into Palestine is a Palestinian decision to do so.
“Jordan is Palestine” is the mirror image of “Palestine is Jordan." Jordanians identified with the latter are not contemplating a confederal agreement between respective Jordanian and and Palestinian states, but rather the restoration of Jordan's uncontested place in Jerusalem and the West Bank on the eve of the June 1967 war.
The ruler of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan is not to be envied. History and geography have played a cruel trick on the leader of this unlikely country. He is squeezed between more powerful and often warring parties, presiding over a population of subjects thrown together by war and circumstance.To its credit, Jordan has succeeded more often than it has failed to construct a popular and workable, if fragile sense of national identity shared by disparate Palestinian and Transjordanian communities during the last nine decades. However, the self-immolation of Syria, Fatah’s failure to end Israel's occupation of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the uncertain promise of the Arab Spring are posing new and unprecedented challenges for King Abdullah II, whose head lies ever uneasy on the royal throne.
The feasting on the corpse that was once Syria poses the most immediate challenge to Jordan, and it was at the heart of recent discussions during the King's recent visit to Washington in the last week of April. But Jordan's cascading problem managing the fallout from Syria complements the more essential challenge that has always been uppermost in the mind of Jordan's political elite as well as its growing Islamic opposition. This challenge, of course, relates to the Palestinian dimension of Jordan's national identity, and the King's ability to manage this without his Hashemite or Transjordanian identity suffering as a consequence.
continued
Whenever arabs have held Gaza or Judea and Samaria, there was never a demand for self-autonomy or independence from those places. Only when Israel in its defensive war of 1967 re-conquer those territories did the 'palestinians' emerge.
Whenever pal arabs get the chance to have another citizenship they grab it, as they themselves don't believe in a nationality foisted upon them. That arab governments will not allow arabs from the former British Mandated areas to have other arab citizenship is a matter for the arabs to sort out amongst themselves.
The bottom line is, that Israel must prevent arabs in Judea and Samaria from grabbing any more land from Israel. If arabs in those areas wish for nationality, let them take Jordanian citizenship.
If arabs in areas of Judea and Samaria which have already given away by Israel wish to become independent, then all well and good, but then it does not mean that Israel owes them anything, not land, not access to Israel or its markets, nothing. Let them look east to Jordan, or Iraq or ............
By: Geoffrey Aronson for Al-Monitor
A recent visitor to Amman reports some senior Jordanians declaring openly that “there never was a place called Palestine. There is no such thing as Palestine, only Jordan.” Such sentiments, while still a minority view, mark a sea change in the long-standing Jordanian deference to the PLO on developments west of the Jordan River. According to one Palestinian, such views are being encouraged by some voices in Fatah, who fear Hamas' baton more than Amman's reluctant embrace, and who no doubt believe, as many veterans in Fatah do, that all it will take to turn Jordan into Palestine is a Palestinian decision to do so.
“Jordan is Palestine” is the mirror image of “Palestine is Jordan." Jordanians identified with the latter are not contemplating a confederal agreement between respective Jordanian and and Palestinian states, but rather the restoration of Jordan's uncontested place in Jerusalem and the West Bank on the eve of the June 1967 war.
The ruler of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan is not to be envied. History and geography have played a cruel trick on the leader of this unlikely country. He is squeezed between more powerful and often warring parties, presiding over a population of subjects thrown together by war and circumstance.To its credit, Jordan has succeeded more often than it has failed to construct a popular and workable, if fragile sense of national identity shared by disparate Palestinian and Transjordanian communities during the last nine decades. However, the self-immolation of Syria, Fatah’s failure to end Israel's occupation of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the uncertain promise of the Arab Spring are posing new and unprecedented challenges for King Abdullah II, whose head lies ever uneasy on the royal throne.
The feasting on the corpse that was once Syria poses the most immediate challenge to Jordan, and it was at the heart of recent discussions during the King's recent visit to Washington in the last week of April. But Jordan's cascading problem managing the fallout from Syria complements the more essential challenge that has always been uppermost in the mind of Jordan's political elite as well as its growing Islamic opposition. This challenge, of course, relates to the Palestinian dimension of Jordan's national identity, and the King's ability to manage this without his Hashemite or Transjordanian identity suffering as a consequence.
continued
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